Sunday, May 15, 2011

Workout If You Have Herpes

Security Act: The blackmail of the international criminal trial

Security Act: The blackmail of whales.


Sunday April 24, 2011


Jesusa Cervantes Process.

PRI The council is preparing to pass this week amendments to the National Security Act, proposed by the Department of Defense, were considered to have violated individual rights. Military sources, the PRI and the Senate, whose minutes are changing Members-released the cause of the turn: The Executive Branch has integrated "black record" of PRI governors linked to "criminal activities", and several generals warned the new leader of the PRI, Humberto Moreira, who if they were not adopted changes proposed by the Army, those records would be published ...

PRI federal MPs seek to adopt a new National Security Act that gives legal support to the intervention of the armed forces in combating organized crime, which gives autonomy al Ejecutivo federal para autorizar la presencia de militares y que, “de manera encubierta”, permite declarar estados de sitio o de excepción que suspenden temporalmente las garantías individuales.

Luego de que el PRI –partido que con sus 237 votos puede dictar agenda y condicionar aprobación de leyes en la Cámara de Diputados– se mostró renuente a respaldar propuestas de la Secretaría de la Defensa Nacional (Sedena), terminó aceptando todos los cambios que demandaba la Sedena, a pesar de que algunos los había considerado “inaceptables” o generadores de una “alta politización” que haría difícil the passage of the new law in full.

The turning of the PRI, according to three sources who process would have been caused by the threat of the executive branch to disclose so-called "black records" that is working against its current PRI governors alleged involvement in illegal activities. This release process found three different information sources involved in the negotiations: the military sector, PRI and Senate.

The bill to amend the National Security Act came April 28, 2010, spent eight months in "the freezer" and December 2010, the president of the National Defense Commission, Ardelio Vargas concluded, together with the Department of Defense, a new document that the PRI did not decide to support.

Humberto Moreira On arrival of the national leadership of the PRI, on 4 March, the PRI revived negotiations and came into contact with senior military commanders, including Maj. Gen. Carlos Gaytan Demetrio Ochoa, deputy of the Department of Defense.

But it was not until April 6, according to military sources, when Moreira was a meal with some veiled general warned the consequences of not approving the National Security Act: the publication of the records.

Less than a week later, on April 11, in charge of bringing the negotiations from the outset by the PRI, the deputy of the State of Mexico, Alfonso Navarrete Prida, came to the Interior Ministry with the new document of 81 pages, according to which the PRI without bracket supports one each of the proposals of the Federal Executive and the military.

However, among the negotiators warned that despite the PRI endorsed all claims, there is no guarantee that " threat of records "has been withdrawn.

Starting

The December 6, 2006, Felipe Calderón Hinojosa declared "war" on drugs and sent on 7 the Army to fight in Michoacan, from which the presence of the military sector has been spreading throughout the country.

The May 8, 2007, the Supreme Court's Office issued a law which authorizes the Army and Navy to "assistant" in the fight against organized crime.

Then, on March l9, 2008, the general secretary of Defense, Guillermo Galván Galván, demanded a national security law and legislation not only grant the military the role of police.

The following year, on April 23, 2009, Felipe Calderon sent a proposal to reform the Senate, where it was frozen for a year to be approved in April 2010 and reach the House of Deputies later that month.

After

that the licensed member Ardelio Vargas "remade" with military forces the minutes of the Senate, the PRI stopped any negotiations. Process announced in several numbers that the Army demanded (editions 1747, 1748, 1771 and 1795).

Shortly before completing his term at the head of the PRI, Beatriz Paredes Rangel revived talks with the military. On February 21, 2011, Navarrete Prida met with Undersecretary of the Department of Defense, Major General Carlos Gaytan Demetrio, some elements of the Navy and the Legislative Liaison Secretary of the Interior Ministry, Julián Hernández. For the PRI took Claudia Ruiz Massieu.

intervention of Government officials was required after Navarrete seriousness in the issue and go "someone with decision-making," according to sources said the Chamber of Deputies.

The next day, February 22, Navarrete Prida and deputy coordinator of the PAN, Carlos Alberto Pérez Cuevas, a document agreed to push for the bill was "dictated" by a single committee and not by the five found (Defense, Interior, Justice, Public Safety and Rights Human) in order to expedite its discussion in plenary.

In parallel, the Department of Defense reports that became the PRI, "upset that the military forces supporting the government of Felipe Calderón's war on drugs has been translated into electoral support from the citizenry to PAN "according to military sources said, would have produced a document in which we would seek the prosecution of the Armed Forces and President of the Republic for having committed any human rights violations.

Angry, the main controls of the Department of Defense requested a meeting with the chairman of the board of the Chamber of Deputies, Jorge Carlos Ramírez Marín, Beatriz Paredes, close to the March 1, 2011, requesting a definition of the Legislature about the law. (Process gave details of the meeting in number 1795.)

There, the president of the Board considered difficult to adopt the reform in the current regular period, which ends April 30. However, that first week of March, the position of the PRI began to turn.

The threat

One of the strongest political groups within the PRI was the version that the Attorney General's Office preparing cases against politicians governing PRI, the party sources said.

After the March 4, Humberto Moreira became the national president of PRI, the first decision was to intensify negotiations with the military sector, but the talks, which were held in the Ministry of Interior and not in the House of Representatives, stopped attending Navarrete Prida both the PRI and the Department of Defense due to Government dismissed his deputy liaison. Only the advisors for each of the parties read and reread the document to the Department of Defense and the comments of the PRI, without getting anywhere.

March 14, the day he was appointed the new Secretary of Link, Rubén Fernández Aceves, who was head of the National Information Center of the Executive Secretariat of the National System of Public Security, the leading representatives of PRI , Alfonso Navarrete Prida, Claudia Ruiz and a pair of intensified the military's overall presence in the negotiations.

Alberto Pérez Cuevas, Deputy PAN, said in an interview that from that day the road was provided and even Francisco Blake Mora participated in several meetings.

Already on 17 March, the federal government's strategy to gain approval of the new law had been changed, according to military sources and the own PRI. A hearing of the negotiating group of PRI came back version of incriminating records, only this time the threat was more blunt:

"We were told that these records of several governors would be released once you know the name of the winner Mexico state government. This would have two effects: one, beating the PRI in general, and the other still hit the Mexico state governor, Enrique Peña Nieto, as the pointer in the presidential race, "revealed an official of the PRI.

However, the group of technicians from the Department of Defense and the PRI was reconvened in the Interior. Interestingly, on March 23, close to the negotiations said they "already unlocked and we are only a few definitions." And there was nothing more than to see how to reconcile the observations that the PRI had a number of proposals for the Department of Defense, in the sense accept that generate large "political debates".

On Wednesday April 6, a process generally told that the new law "would" only if something extraordinary happened. Like what would it be?, Asked, to which he replied with a slight smile: "The elections of the State of Mexico, right?", Without adding anything else.

That same April 6, the national president of the PRI, Humberto Moreira, participated in a meal with some "high command" of the Department of Defense to discuss the reform. After the meeting, one of the generals were asked not to disclose his name, dropped a sheet on the letterhead of the Department of Defense where he was an analysis of the presence of drug trafficking in some states under the PRI government complacency. In addition, hinted that it had all the information.

sources consulted by the Department of Defense revealed that the preparation process of the "black records" itself is in progress, commented that the Department of Defense offers evidence that it has on the subject, the PGR prepares documents and some Judiciary officials' help to sustain them. "

Coincidentally, the day after lunch from Moreira and generals of the military's, Enrique Peña Nieto met with Felipe Calderon, and one day after the governor of the State of Mexico had breakfast with the secretary to the President Roberto Gil Zuarth.

Previously, on 31 March, UN representatives advised the Mexican government that the army withdraw from the streets in their fight against drug trafficking, due to allegations of human rights violations have increased . In 2006 accounted for 182 and 2008 and amounted to 230 thousand.

In response, the federal government, through Fernando Zamora Castro, Undersecretary for Legal Affairs and Human Rights at the Interior Ministry said April 2 that the Army will remain in the streets, then himself warned Calderón April 8 that it will "support alternative temporary."

So confusing and contrary to his belligerent speech against PAN-government, national president of the PRI, Humberto Moreira, supported Calderon April 11 stating: "It would be a mistake to return to army barracks at this time. However, I think that it is necessary to review the strategy of some points that are failing. "

In line with the expressions of Moreira, charged with conducting the negotiations by the PRI, Rep. Alfonso Navarrete Prida, arrived at the offices of the Interior Ministry the same day, met with Deputy Secretary of Affairs Legal and Human Rights, Fernando Zamora Castro, and a couple of the military's general not only to announce that there would be no obstacles in his party to requests from the military sector, but also gave them "the predictamen" of 81 pages on amendment to the Homeland Security Act.

This meant that the document included not only refurbished items, but in 45 pages it was the entire rationale for the changes and rested the budgetary impact.


PRI bends


After Ardelio licensed deputy Vargas developed together with industry military changes to the minutes of the Senate, the PRI was given the task of promoting, in February 2011, a new reform proposal where "bracketed number of the changes" proposed and even pointed out what would be "impassable."

In developing the proposal included, in addition to Alfonso Navarrete Prida, Rep. Claudia Ruiz Massieu, and earlier in a first stage, the senators Jesus Murillo Karam and Pedro Joaquin Coldwell.

The Senate bill passed on April 23, 2010 containing things like the military were tried by civil courts when they violated human rights or engaged in abuses, that concentrations of such work, social or political were not considered threats to national security that the declaration of involvement (time accepting the participation of the military sector) was issued by the Federal Executive and Congress, but also did not define the "obstacles" as those that threaten national security, precluded seals nor make declarations of a state of emergency, among other things.

Before this bill was passed in the Senate, General Secretary Guillermo Galvan Galvan convened on April 7 in the Multipurpose Room in the Department of Defense to members of the Commission National Defense of the House of Representatives. There were asked:

"Power to conduct searches of persecution in the act, power to detain for 24 hours at the alleged perpetrators and bring them to interrogation, the power to take fingerprints of people apprehended; intervene communications, track or hack internet pages, to dissolve concentrations of vehicles (such as occurred in April 2010 in Tamaulipas and Nuevo Leon), which can declare areas of emergency and hold the military responsible for their actions, unless they are demonstrating behaviors intentional, "revealed to attendees Process to this meeting.

None of this is included in the initiative that the Executive had sent to the Senate, but when the bill reached the House of Representatives, the Army continued its lobbying work.

In October 2010, the Department of Defense invited the legislators themselves to a demonstration of the power of arms of organized crime and told them again of what the military wanted to include in the Senate bill was in the hands for Members.

Process

reported what bothered the Army of the Senate bill on the grounds that certain aspects unconstitutional and because the military leaders would not be subject to the orders of the police in combating drug trafficking. Also released the 10 points they intended to include.

precisely on these points, the PRI made remarks. For example, the most important aspect was that the Department of Defense argued that the involvement once declared, "the opinion of the Federal Executive" establishing "extraordinary measures." Here the PRI warned that basically was talking about, "surreptitiously" of a "state of emergency," noting that include that point would generate a "highly politicized."

Another observation made was referring to the PRI's claim that the government requested the intervention of the military and use "all resources" available where considered necessary and therefore made the declaration of involvement . Though here the PRI considered "correct" the award, said that for this to happen should be established urgently the causes and circumstances that warranted the intervention, because "otherwise it can become very dangerous action." Therefore asked a framework that would "control" for such action.

The PRI was clear when considering that since "the political standpoint, is of extreme sensitivity and fear the approving an article like this."

On the powers of interception of private communications that asked the Department of Defense, the PRI held that is "out of order as it stands, it has no constitutional powers only if it is designated as the responsible authority." In any case, such a measure should be given temporary, with the reasons that justify it.

As for the "sting operations" that can make the military commands, the PRI can be argued that a "danger" as they may occur unilaterally, without authorization of the Department of Defense. Besides that it is not clear what "covert operations", he said, this involves a "highly politicized."

Finally, "the predictamen" PRI gave the Government on 11 April, and not distributed to all political parties until day 22, does not include the changes and comments were aportado el PRI. Sólo presenta todo lo que la Sedena propuso y que fue registrado en un documento dado a conocer a los diputados federales en octubre de 2010, así como a Humberto Moreira, en abril de este año, cuando visitó las instalaciones de la Sedena.

El vicecoordinador legislativo del PAN, Alberto Pérez Cuevas, comenta que la Cámara de Diputados espera aprobar el documento el martes 26 de abril para que así lo puedan procesar hasta el día 30, fecha en que concluye el presente periodo de sesiones.

En entrevista telefónica, el senador del PRI Jesús Murillo Karam manifestó que la premisa de los cambios they adopted was that serves "to ensure the public respect for their human rights and guarantees," and said they "took care that the actions of the Armed Forces outside the knowledge of Congress and what it says the Constitution. "

"We want the prestige of the army is maintained and that his speech is regulated," he said.

- voted for the amendment of the House of Representatives to the proposed reform?

-Si is similar, it is possible. But if you changed However, we must analyze the change.

PVEM

The deputy, Paul Escudero, argued that the changes are unacceptable, but if the PRI and the PAN's majoritarian "I think the Senate will not see with good eyes."

Finally, the PRD, Rep. Teresa Incháustegui said the reform proposal is unacceptable and that included everything that the generals had asked the deputies. "Far from civil-military relations walk in favor of the democratic transition, this is in contradiction," he said.


This notice

was taken from the following website:


http://europaenllamas.blogspot.com/2011/04/ley-de-seguridad-los-chantajes-del.html


How To Know When A Scorpio Has Lost Interest

Calderon against Felipe Calderón

international trial Calderón

Netzaí Sandoval Ballesteros.

More than 40 thousand human beings who have died in the last four years we put in front of a crisis Humanitarian without Paragon. Neither the U.S. war against Afghanistan, or undertaken against Pakistan have generated so many dead (Conflict Barometer, University of Heidelberg, Germany). The violence in Mexico has also made more displaced than any other recent armed conflict, about 120 000 people according to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Center. The vulnerability of young people is particularly acute: 226 thousand of the deaths between 2006 and 2010 were children and adolescents (Network for the Rights of Children in Mexico). In strict legal terms and in accordance with international criteria in this area, this situation is classified as an armed conflict not of an international nature.

directly responsible for this grave situation is Felipe Calderón. It was he who declared a war in the country and decided to use the Army and Navy to attack selectively drug cartels. He was the executive who so stubbornly continued with the war strategy despite various UN agencies have asked to suspend the use of military force in law enforcement, recently the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances of the UN, March 2011.

As has been documented various human rights reports prepared by organizations such as Amnesty International, the Mexican Army has reached the point of murdering and torturing civilians completely unrelated to the conflict, military checkpoints and during its operational . has also attempted to conceal these facts to ensure the impunity of those responsible. We remember the case of the students killed in Tec de Monterrey on 19 March 2010, the NHRC said in its recommendation 45/2010.

armed forces have also made away with the rape of indigenous women committed by soldiers during their operational with what has encouraged the use of such a despicable practice (case Fernández Ortega and other vs. Mexico and Rosendo Cantu case and another vs . Mexico-American Court of Human Rights).

For their part, drug cartels also perform heinous crimes against civilians. Recruit children under 15 years of age to become killers. It is estimated that between 30 and 43 thousand minors have been recruited by criminal groups. Moreover, attacks on patients rehabilitation centers and drug addicts are widespread. The crafty attacks June 26 in Durango, December 5 and June 10 in Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua-all in 2010 - are just three examples.

courts of our country are practically prevented from judging the Federal Executive (Article 108 onstitucional). This is compounded by the lack of autonomy of the PGR, which leads to impunity for military and civilian officials responsible for this crisis.

Nor is viable national prosecute the soldiers responsible for rape, torture, disappearances and murders due to the endless scope of military jurisdiction, which allows that these cases are tried by military courts (Article 57 Code of Military Justice). American Court of Human Rights has stated bluntly that the military criminal jurisdiction is competent to investigate, prosecute and punish perpetrators of human rights violations (case vs Radilla Pacheco. Mexico), but Calderon has opposed meet ordering the sentences to modify the legal framework to adapt to international standards.

Unable to prosecute violators of human rights in our own country is urgent that today, under the principle of complementarity, we turn to International Criminal Court (ICC). This seems difficult because the Constitution states that the Executive (with Senate approval) who recognizes the jurisdiction of the ICC. But no rule of law can be invoked to violate obligations under the international (Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, Article 27) so when Calderon and his military commanders invoke them, their arguments will be rejected by the ICC .

To strengthen this claim is needed involving people and human rights defenders in the country. For example, should be included in the complaint record statements of relatives of those killed in military operating . In addition, as many Mexican citizens must sign the petition calling before the ICC, to stop the bloodshed. We already have thousands of signatures collected in the march of May 8 but is still time for new firms support the complaint.

Calderon ordered the use of strategies unconstitutional and in violation of international law to combat drug trafficking and this has led to the systematic violation of human rights in our country. Under Article 8, paragraph 2, paragraph c, sections I and IV such subsection and, paragraphs I, IV and VII of the Rome Statute, should be tried for war crimes at the ICC.


This view was taken from the following website:


http://www.jornada.unam.mx/2011/05/14 / index.php? section = opinion & article = l
018a2po



international criminal trial against Felipe Calderón


international criminal trial against Felipe Calderon, Joaquin Guzman Loera, Genaro Garcia Luna, Guillermo Galván Galván, Francisco Saynez Mendoza and other officials, military and drug traffickers responsible for war crimes in Mexico.

the undersigned call on the International Criminal Court (ICC) to exercise its jurisdiction over crimes that are narrated below.


Felipe Calderón declared the start of a "war" against drug trafficking, December 11, 2006, which resulted in the deaths of more than 40,000 human beings in the last four years. For this purpose, has used the police force, the Army and Navy Mexican. The use of the army in operations against drug trafficking began several years ago but intensified in this period. Calderon has ordered that war continue despite international agencies have asked to stop using the Army in roles that police forces should develop (Working Group of UN Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances, preliminary report, March 2011). Only in 2010, this armed conflict has caused more deaths than the war waged by the United States in Afghanistan and Pakistan (Conflict Barometer, University of Heidelberg Germany) and has also made more displaced, that is, about 120,000 people due to the widespread violence (Internal Displacement Monitoring Center 2010). The situation of young children is particularly vulnerable: 226 thousand dead who died in crossfire or direct attacks from December 2006 to December 2010 are children and adolescents (Network for the Rights of Children in Mexico .)

have systematically repeated human rights violations because of the context of armed conflict in which we live. Mexico, Afghanistan and Somalia are the nations with the largest number of reporters kidnapped and our country is the continent's most dangerous media (Reporters without Borders).

We live in a protracted armed conflict faced by government authorities and organized armed groups and these groups together, fighting for territorial control drug trafficking. However, even in war there are limits and it has exceeded a catastrophic:

The Mexican army has killed civilians including children and completely unrelated to the conflict, military checkpoints and during operations. They have tortured and killed civilians knowing that are unrelated to the conflict and has also attempted to conceal these facts for not punishing those responsible and in the case of students killed at TEC de Monterrey on March 19, 2010 (Recommendation No. 45 / 2010 National Commission on Human Rights). Such crimes are the responsibility of the ICC under Article 8 2) e) i) of the Rome Statute.

The army also has covered and left unpunished rape of women perpetrated by soldiers during cordon and search of criminals, which has promoted the use of this practice in its war on drugs (Case Fernández Ortega et al. V. Mexico and Rosendo Cantú Case v. Mexico and other American Court of Human Rights). These crimes are also the ICC's jurisdiction under Article 8.2 e) vii) of the Rome Statute. Is conducting daily practice of extrajudicial executions, which respond to the idea that Mexican judges release the drug at the military prefer to kill them. The Navy even broadcast pictures of the body of Arturo Beltran Leyva, who had been manipulated and maimed with obvious purpose of intimidating (El País and El Universal 12/19/2009 12/18/2009). This crime is the responsibility of the ICC under Article 8 2) c) iv) of the Rome Statute.

Calderón also has commanded systematically assaulting Central American migrants traveling to the United States. It is so obvious it is government policy to PAN-conceived from Washington-which has even begun to legislate to make it an obligation of the authorities. Have already begun to make public the consequences of state policy. In April 2011 a mass grave was found with 72 migrants in Tamaulipas and similar cases have recurred repeatedly. The National Human Rights Commission documented the involvement of public authorities in the abductions of migrants since 2009 (Special Report on Abduction Against Migrants). Recently reported that Central Americans were "sold" by agents of the National Institute of Migration to the criminal group Los Zetas (La Jornada, May 10, 2011). These crimes can be characterized as crimes against humanity.

drug cartels mutilation practiced daily, both to intimidate the warring groups, and to send messages. Many of those beheaded are civilians. They also recruit children under 15 years of age who do become assassins. An estimated 30 to 43,000 children have been recruited by criminal groups (Children and Armed Conflict in Mexico Network for children's rights in Mexico). This crime is the responsibility of the ICC under Article 8. 2 c) i 8. 2 e) vii) of the Rome Statute.

have also been widespread attacks to rehabilitation centers where the sick and addicted to drugs, such as occurred on June 26, 2010 in Durango, on 5 December 2010 in two centers in Ciudad Juárez and June 10, 2010 in Chihuahua to name a few. This crime is the responsibility of the ICC under Article 8. 2 e) iv) of the Rome Statute.

These are just some of the crimes that we live daily in Mexico.

The conflict is characterized by rampant impunity, because there is no penalty for soldiers, assassins or superiors who ordered these crimes and then conceal the guilty. Unfortunately the courts in our country are almost judge prevented the holder of federal executive (Article 108 of the Constitution) adding to that the lack of fiscal autonomy in Mexico (Attorney General's Office), which also means not being pursued to high civil and military officials responsible for this crisis. Nor is it possible to bring to justice those soldiers who have materially violated, tortured, disappeared and killed Mexicans due to the endless scope of military jurisdiction. When a soldier commits any crime against civilians, the facts are tried by military courts (art. 57 Code of Military Justice). American Court of Human Rights has held that the jurisdiction military criminal jurisdiction is competent to investigate and, where appropriate, prosecute and punish perpetrators of human rights violations, so that Mexico is violating human rights (Case Radilla vs. Pacheco. Mexico). The refusal

in our country to punish the perpetrators of these crimes, the ICC is for the offensive end impunity that has prevailed in Mexico for at least 4 years. We ask the Prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo, initiate an investigation on the basis of information that accompanies this letter, in accordance with Article 15.1 of the Rome Statute of the ICC.

Sincerely,


want to sign the petition:


http://www.petitiononline.com/CPI/petition.html


If calderon viable prosecution.